首页 > 范文大全 > 演讲稿 >

肯尼迪就职演讲

演讲稿   发布时间:03-18    阅读:

肯尼迪就职演讲英文版
篇一:肯尼迪就职演讲

  以下小编整理的肯尼迪就职演讲英文版,供大家参考,希望大家能够有所收获!
 

  Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:

  We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

  The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

  We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

  Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

  This much we pledge -- and more.


肯尼迪就职演讲英文版

  To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

  To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

  To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

  To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

  To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

  Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

  We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

  But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

  So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.

  Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

  Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

  Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

  Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free."¹

  And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.

  All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

  In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

  Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,"² a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

  Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

  In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

  And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.

  My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

  Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.

约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿中文
篇二:肯尼迪就职演讲

   我们今天不是祝贺党派的胜利,而是参加自由的庆典:它象征着一个开始——也是一个结束;它代表换代——也是更新。因为在你们和全能的上帝面前,我已经宣布了一百七十四年前我们祚告诫这同一个庄严的誓言。

  现在的世界发生巨大的变化。人类用自己的死亡之手握住了荡尽所有人间贫困和所有人类生命的势力。然而,我们祚这战斗的这同一个革命信念,仍然围绕着地球在争论——这个信念就是:人类的权利并非来自政府的慷慨施舍,而是来自上帝的手赠送。

  今天,我们不敢忘记我们是独立革命的后嗣。让革命这个词从这个时刻,这个地点传给朋友,也传给敌人。这个火把已经传给了新的一代美国人——他们诞生在这个国度,经历过战争的锻炼,又接受了一个艰苦、严峻的和平时期的考验;他们为自己继承的悠久传统自豪;他们不愿意目睹或容忍那些人类权利无休无止的躁蹭。正是为了这些权利,这个国家一直在献身;也正是为了这些权利,我们今天在国内、在世界各地还在继续献身;也正是为了这些权利,我们今天在国内,在世界各地还在继续献身。

  让每一个国家都知道,不论它是祝福我们,还是诅咒我们,我们将不惜任何代价、肩负任何重担、迎对任何艰难、支援任何朋友、反抗任何敌人,以保障自由的主权和胜利!

  这就是我们的保证,而且不仅如此:

  ——对那些分享其文化、精神血统的昔日盟国,我们保证是他们忠实朋友。团结起来我们在合作探险的广阔天地里就无所不能;一旦分裂,我们则将一事无成,因为在争吵与离异中,我们就不敢面对强有力的挑战。

  ——对那些我们欢迎加入自由行列的新独立国家,我们保证:决不允许殖民统治刚刚死亡,就又被一位变本加厉的专制暴君代替!我们并不总是期待着看到他们支持我们的观点,但是,我们将永远希望看见他们坚决维护自己的自由,并且记住:在以往,凡是愚蠢地骑在虎背上追求权力的人,无不葬身虎腹……

  ——对我们国家南部的姐妹共和国,我们提出特别保证:把我们善意的词句变成善意的行动,在一个争取进步的联盟里,帮助自由人民共国和自由政府斩断贫穷的锁链。但是,这个希望中的和平革命不能成为不友好政权嘴中的猎物。让我们所有的邻邦都知道:我们将坚决和他们一起,反抗在美洲任何地方的侵略与颠覆;也让每一个外部势力都清楚,这个半球决意继续当它自己房间的主人。

  ——对联合国这个主权国家的世界集体,我们在战争机器远远胜过和平机器的一段时期里表示过最良好的祝愿。我们重申支持它的保证;阻止它就仅是恶语攻击的讲坛;加强它保护新独立国家和弱小国家作用;扩大服从它的法令地区。

  ——最后,对那些愿作我们敌人的国家,我们提出的不是保证,而是一项请求,不要挨到被科学释放的毁灭性可怕能量在蓄谋或意外的自毁中吞灭了整个人类,让我们双方重新开始寻求和平吧。

  我们不敢用软弱来劝诱他们。只有当我们武器不容置疑的充足,我们才能毋庸置疑地肯定它们永久不会被使用。然而,两个强大阵营都不可能从我们目前的角逐中尝到舒适——双方都背负着现代武器的沉重耗费;双方都受到原子死神扩散的直言警告;可是双方又都拼命改变那延缓人类末日战争指针转动的,不稳定的恐怖平衡。
  因此让我们重新开始——双方都记住:礼貌并非是怯懦的表示,而真诚则永远需要得到验证。让我们决不要因为害怕而谈判,但是,让我们决不要害怕谈判。让双方都来探索使我们走到一起的途径,而不是对那些使我们对立的问题作不必要的说明。让双方都第一次提出严肃的切实可行的建议,来检查和控制武器,并且把摧毁别国的绝对力量置于所有国家的绝对控制之下。

  让以方都来寻求科学奇迹的福星,而不是它的恐惧。让我们来共同探索星球、征服沙漠、根绝疾病、开发海底以及鼓励艺术和商业贸易。

  让双方联合起来,在这片土地的每一个角落,遵从以赛亚的指引,“解下轭上的索,使被欺压者得到自由”。

  如果建立合作的基础可以缓和尔虞我诈的恶争,让我们携手进行新的努力,不是新的势力平衡,而是一个新法法制世界,在那里,强者正义,弱者无虑,和平受到保卫。

  所有这些在一百日内不会完成,在一千日内和本届政府的任期内也不会完成,甚至当我们(这一代人)在这个星球上终止我们的生命时,它们也许会完成。但是,让我们着手吧!

  我的同胞们,在我的手里,更在你们的手里决定着我们的事业的最后成败。自从这个国家建立以来,每一个美国人都受到召唤在证明他对国家的忠诚。年轻的美国人响应了这一召唤,为国尽忠,他们的陵墓遍布世界各地。

  现在,号角又在召唤我们:不是扛起枪,尽管我们需要武器;不是战斗,尽管我们严阵以待。而是肩负起漫长的黎明前斗争的重担,年复一年,“在希望中欢乐,在苦难中忍耐”——这是反对暴政、贫困、疾病和战争本身这些人类共同敌人一场斗争。

  南方、北方、东部、西部,我们就不能铸成反对那些敌人的雄壮的全球同盟吗?它能够保证整个人类生活得更富裕丰足。你们愿意参加这个具有历史意义的斗争吗?

  在这世界古老的历史中,在自由身陷最危险境地的时刻,只有几代人被赋予了保卫它的使命。我决不在这个责任面前退缩。我欢迎它。我不相信我们中有谁会把我们的重任推给别人或是另外一代人。精力、信念、献身——我们呈奉给这场斗争的牺牲——将照亮我们的国家和所有为她尽忠的人。从这簇火焰中升华的光辉一定能够照亮世界!

  所以,我的美国同胞们!不要问人的祖国能为你们做什么,问一问你们能为自己的祖国做什么。

  我的同属于这个世界的公民们,不要问美国将为你们做些什么,问一问我们能为人类的自由共同做些什么。最后,不论你是美利坚公民还是世界公民,我要求你的力量与献身,你在这里也向我们提出同样高的要求吧,怀着一颗良心——我们唯一确定无疑的赏赐,伴随着历史——我们行为的最后法官,让我们走上前来引领我们热爱的这块土地,祈求上帝的祝愿和保佑,但是要记住:在地球的这里,上帝的努力也就是我们的努力!

林肯3分钟演讲稿中英文版
篇三:肯尼迪就职演讲

  亚伯拉罕·林肯(1809年2月12日-1865年4月15日),美国政治家、思想家,黑人奴隶制的废除者。第16任美国总统,其任总统期间,美国爆发内战,史称南北战争,林肯坚决反对国家分裂。他废除了叛乱各州的奴隶制度,颁布了《宅地法》、《解放黑人奴隶宣言》。林肯击败了南方分离势力,维护了美利坚联邦及其领土上不分人种、人人生而平等的权利。内战结束后不久,林肯遇刺身亡,是第一个遭遇刺杀的美国总统,也是首位共和党籍总统,曾位列最伟大总统排名第一位。也是美国最有作为的总统之一(其他3位为乔治·华盛顿、富兰克林·罗斯福、托马斯·杰斐逊)。以下是小编整理了林肯3分钟演讲稿中英文版,供你参考。

  林肯3分钟演讲稿英文版:

  Four score and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth on this continent a new nation, conceived inLiberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

  Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and sodedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

  But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate—we can not consecrate—we can not hallow—this ground. The bravemen, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.

  It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us — that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion — that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain — that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom — and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

  林肯3分钟演讲稿中文版:

  八十七年前吾辈先祖于这大陆上,创建一个新的国度,乃孕育于自由,且致力于凡人“皆生而平等”此信念。

  吾等被卷入一场伟大的内战,以考验是否此国家,或任何孕育于和奉献于斯者,可永垂不朽。吾等现相逢于此战中一个浩大战场。而吾等将奉献出此战场之一部分,作为这群交付出自己生命、让国家得以为继的人们的安息之处。此举乃全然妥当、且为吾人应行之举。

  但,于更大意义之上,吾等不可致力、不可奉上、不可成就此土地之神圣。曾于此奋战到底的勇士,无论生死,早已使其神圣,而远非吾人卑微之力所能增减。这世间,将不会丝毫留意,也不会长久记得吾等在此所言,但将永不忘怀勇士们在此所为。

  吾等生者,应献身于勇士们鞠躬尽瘁之未完大业。吾等在此责无旁贷献身于眼前之伟大使命:自光荣的亡者之处汲取其献身精神——吾等在此答应,亡者之牺牲当非徒然——此国家,于上帝庇佑之下,当享有自由之新生;民有、民治、民享之政府,当免于凋零。

  林肯第二次就职演说

  (1865年3月4日)

  各位同胞:

  在这第二次的宣誓就职典礼中,不像第一次就职的时候那样需要发表长篇演说。在那个时候,对于当时所要进行的事业多少作一详细的说明,似乎是适当的。如今四年任期已满,在这段战争期间的每个重要时刻和阶段中——这个战争至今仍为举国所关怀,还且占用了国家大部分力量——都经常发布文告,所以如今很少有什么新的发展可以奉告。我们的军事进展,是一切其它问题的关键所在,各界人士对此情形是跟我一样熟悉的,而我相信进展的情况,可以使我们全体人民有理由感到满意和鼓舞。既然可以对将来寄予极大的希望,那么我们也就用不着在这一方面作什么预言了。四年之前在与此同一场合里,所有的人都焦虑地注意一场即将来临的内战。大家害怕它,想尽了方法去避免它。当时我正在这里作就职演说,竭尽全力想不用战争方法而能保存联邦,然而本城的反叛分子的代理人却没法不用战争而破坏联邦——他们力图瓦解联邦,并以谈判的方法来分割联邦。双方都声称反对战争,可是有一方宁愿打仗而不愿让国家生存,另一方则宁可接受这场战争,而不愿国家灭亡,于是战争就来临了。

  我们全国人口的八分之一是黑奴,他们并非遍布整个联邦,而是局部地分布于南方。这些奴隶构成了一种特殊而重大的权益。大家知道这种权益可说是这场战争的原因。为了加强、保持及扩大这种权益,反叛分子会不惜以战争来分裂联邦,而政府只不过要限制这种权益所在地区的扩张。当初,任何一方都没有想到这场战争会发展到那么大的范围,持续那么长的时间。也没有料到冲突的原因会随冲突本身的终止而终止,甚至会在冲突本身终止以前而终止。双方都在寻求一个较轻易的胜利,都没有期望获致带根本性的和惊人的结果。双方念诵同样的圣经,祈祷于同一个上帝,甚至于每一方都求助同一上帝的援助以反对另一方,人们竟敢求助于上帝,来夺取他人以血汗得来的面包,这看来是很奇怪的。可是我们不要判断人家,免得别人判断我们。

  我们双方的祈祷都不能够如愿,而且断没全部如愿以偿。上苍自有他自己的目标。由于罪恶而世界受苦难,因为罪恶总是要来的;然而那个作恶的人,要受苦难」假使我们以为美国的奴隶制度是这种罪恶之一,而这些罪恶按上帝的意志在所不免,但既经持续了他所指定的一段时间,他如今便要消除这些罪恶;假使我们认为上帝把这场惨烈的战争加在南北双方的头上,作为对那些招致罪恶的人的责罚,难道我们可以认为这件事有悖于虔奉上帝的信徒们所归诸上帝的那些圣德吗? 我们天真地希望着,我们热忱地祈祷着,希望这战争的重罚可以很快地过去。可是,假使上帝要让战争再继续下去,直到二百五十年来奴隶无偿劳动所积聚的财富化为乌有,并像三千年前所说的那样,等到鞭笞所流的每一滴血,被刀剑之下所流的每一滴血所抵消,那么我们仍然只能说,「主的裁判是完全正确而且公道的。我们对任何人都不怀恶意,我们对任何人都抱好感,上帝让我们看到正确的事,我们就坚定地信那正确的事,让我们继续奋斗,以完成我们正在进行的工作,去治疗国家的创伤,去照顾艰苦作战的志士和他的孤儿遗孀,尽力实现并维护在我们自己之间和我国与各国之间的公正和持久的和平。

  小编分享了林肯3分钟演讲稿中英文版,你阅读了有什么感想?

肯尼迪就职演讲稿英文(共6篇)
篇四:肯尼迪就职演讲

篇一:肯尼迪总统就职演说(中英文)

肯尼迪总统就职演说 (1961年1月20日)

inaugural address of john f. kennedy january 20, 1961

vice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice, president

eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens:

约翰逊副总统、议长先生、首席大法官先生、艾森豪威尔总统、尼克松副总统、杜鲁门总统、尊敬的牧师、同胞们:

we observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change. for i have sworn before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.

我们今天所看到的,并非是某一党派的胜利,而是自由的庆典。它象征着结束,亦象征着开始;意味着更新,亦意味着变化。

今天,我们不敢有忘,我们乃是那第一次革命的后裔。此时,让这个声音从这里同时向我们的朋友和敌人传达:火炬现已传递到新一代美国人手中——他们生于本世纪,既经受过战火的锤炼,又经历过艰难严峻的和平岁月的考验。

let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

这是我们矢志不移的承诺,且远不止此!

to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided there is little we can do, for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder. 对于那些与我们共享同一文化和精神源头的老朋友,我们许以朋友的忠诚。

肯尼迪就职演讲英文版

remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

对于那些新成立的国家,我们欢迎它们加入自由阵营,并在此许以忠告:某种形式的殖民控制决不会仅仅因为被另一种更为残酷的霸权所取代就消声匿迹。

对于那些寄居于大半个地球上的草舍村落、为着挣脱无尽苦难的枷锁而奋斗的人民,我们承诺将尽我们最大的努力,以使他们获得自助的能力。

if a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

对于我们的南部邻邦共和国,我们许以特殊的承诺:将我们的良言转为善行,在为了进步而结成的新盟邦里,帮助自由的人民和自由的政府摆脱贫困。

and let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

对于那个主权国家的世界性会议组织——联合国,我们最后一次良好祝愿是发生在战争机器远远超过和平机器的时代。为了防止它沦为仅仅用来谩骂攻讦的论坛,为了加强它对新成立国家及弱小国家的保障功能、为了扩展其权力涵盖的领域,我们现在重申对它的支持承

诺。

我们不敢以软弱诱惑它们,因为只有当我们的军备充足到确切无疑的程度时,我们才能确切无疑地肯定它们永远不会被投入使用。

let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

and if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved. 如果合作的滩头堡能够遏制重重猜疑,让双方携手进行新的努力——不是为了建立新的势力均衡,而是为了建立新的规则体系——以使强者正义,弱者安全,和平维系

all this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. but let us begin.

in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. since this country was founded, each generation of americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

我的同胞们,我们事业的最终成败将掌握在你们的手中而不仅仅是我的手中。从这个国家被创建那天起,每一代美国人都被召唤去证实自己对国家的忠诚。

can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort?

为了反对这些敌人,我们能够将南方与北方、东方与西方团结起来,熔铸成一个伟大的和全球性的联盟,以确保全人类得享更为成果累累的生活吗?你们愿意参与这项历史性的努力吗?

在世界历史的长河里,只有少数几代人被赋予了在自由面临最大危机时捍卫自由的使命,我不会畏缩于这一责任——我欢迎它!我也不相信我们中的任何人会愿意与其他国家的人民或其他世代的人民易地而处。

and so, my fellow americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.

我的世界同胞们,不要问美国将为你做些什么,而应问我们应该一起为了全人类的自由做些什么finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. with a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth gods work must truly be our own.

篇二:约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿英文

约翰·肯尼迪就职演说稿英文

vice president johnson, mr. speaker, mr. chief justice, president eisenhower, vice president nixon, president truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a

celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change. for i have sworn i before you and almighty god the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago. we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first

let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

this much we pledge--and more.

to those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

to those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is

finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by

science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction. we dare not tempt them with weakness. for only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

so let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. let us never negotiate out of fear. but let us never fear to negotiate. let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of

belaboring those problems which divide us.

let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the肯尼迪就职演讲英文版

absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations. and if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved. all this will not be finished in the first 100 days. nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this

administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. but let us begin. in your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. since this country was founded, each generation of americans

has been summoned to give

testimony to its national loyalty. the graves of young americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation--a

can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, north and south, east and west, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? will you join in that historic effort?

my fellow citizens of the world: ask not what america will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

finally, whether you are citizens of america or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. with a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking his blessing and his help, but knowing that here on earth gods work must truly be our own.

篇三:约翰肯尼迪总统就职演说

[演讲者简介]: 约翰·肯尼迪是一位战争英雄,普利策奖获得者,整个五十年代,都是美国参议员。1960年11月,年仅43岁的他成为美国历史上由选举产生的最年轻的总统。

今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利,而是自由的胜利。这象征着一个结束,也象征着一个开端;意味着延续也意味着变革。

现在的世界已大不相同了。人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困,又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念,在世界各地仍然有着争论。 今天,我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者。让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话:火炬已经传给新一代美国人。

让每个国家都知道——不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落一为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利,我们将付出任何代价,承受任何负担,应付任何艰难,支持任何朋友,反抗任何敌人。

对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友,我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。 对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由行列中来的新国家,我们恪守我们的誓言:决不让一种更为残酷的暴政来取代一种消失的殖民统治。我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点。 对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村,为摆脱普遍贫困而斗争的人们,我们保证尽最大努力帮助他们自立,不管需要花多长时间——之所以这样做,并不是因为共产党可能正在这样做,也不是因为我们需要他们的选票,而是因为这样做是正确的。

对我国南面的姐妹共和国,我们提出一项特殊的保证——在争取进行的新同盟中,把我们善意的话变为善意的行动,帮助自由人们和自由的政府摆脱贫困的枷锁。但是,这种充满希望的和平革命决不可以成为敌对国家的牺牲品。我们要让所有邻国都知道,我们将和他们在一起,反对在美洲任何地区进行侵略和颠覆活动。

[brief introduction to the speaker]: john f. kennedy (1917-1963) john f. kennedy was a war hero, a pulitzer prize [1]-winning author, a u. s. senator for most of the 1950s. in november 1960, at the age of 43, he became the youngest man ever elected president of the united states. on nov. 22, 1963, kennedy was shot to death in dallas, tex [2], the fourth united states president to die by an assassins bullet.

we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom. symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning, signifying renewal, as well as change. for i have sworn before you, and almighty god, the same solemn oath our forbears prescribed [3] nearly a century and three quarters ago.

the world is very different now, for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty, and all forms of human life. and yet, the same revolutionary beliefs for

we dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. let the word go forth

let every nation know, whether it wishes us well of ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and success of liberty. this much we pledge and more.

to those old allies, whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. united there is little we cannot do, in a host of

[6] cooperative ventures [7]. divided there is little we can do. for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split us asunder.

注释:

2.dallas, tx:美国德克萨斯州的达拉斯市,位于美国南部。

4.at issue:issue这里是个名词,意思是“引起讨论的问题”。at issue表示正在讨论中,也就是存在争议。

6.a host of:是习惯用法,与of连用,表示许多。

7.ventures:venture的原意是冒险或冒险事业。有人说: no venture, no success. 意思就是“没有冒险就没有成功”。肯尼迪在演讲中宣称的一切理想都需要在未来得以实施。

9.cast off:原意是松开、放开,比喻意义是抛弃、丢弃。

篇四:美国总统肯尼迪的就职演说

美国总统肯尼迪和他的就职演说

(2011-01-20 22:04:30) 姚鸿恩

今天(20日)英文谷歌的涂鸦(doodle)是为了纪念前美国总统肯尼迪就职演说50周年

肯尼迪是美国有史以来最年轻的总统,就职时年仅43岁。他言谈风趣,富有魅力。他上任时,正是局势动乱的年头。但他给美国民众带来了极大的希望和勇气。不幸,1963年11月22日遇刺身亡。

1963年8月28日,超过25万的抗议者从四面八方汇集到首都华盛顿,要求得到平等的工作权益和自由。

马丁-路德-金领导的民权运动,促使美国国会通过了《1964民权法案》(civil rights act of 1964),1964年7月2日颁布生效。法案规定:美国境内不得进行种族隔离,歧视黑人、少数族裔和妇女,都是违法的。肯尼迪就职演讲英文版

而这个法案,正是肯尼迪在1963年6月11日的民权演说中呼吁要建立的法案(the bill

肯尼迪就职演讲译文
篇五:肯尼迪就职演讲

1961年,肯尼迪就职大典

时间:1961年1月20日 地点:国会大厦 我来说两句

今天我们庆祝的不是政党的胜利,而是自由的胜利。这象征着一个结束,也象征着一个开端;意味着延续也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前,宣读了我们的先辈在170多年前拟定的庄严誓言。

现在的世界已大不相同了。

人类的巨手掌握着既能消灭人间的各种贫困,又能毁灭人间的各种生活的力量。但我们的先辈为之奋斗的那些革命信念,在世界各地仍然有着争论。这个信念就是:人的权利并非来自国家的慷慨,而是来自上帝恩赐。

今天,我们不敢忘记我们是第一次革命的继承者。让我们的朋友和敌人同样听见我此时此地的讲话:火炬已经传给新一代美国人。这一代人在本世纪诞生,在战争中受过锻炼,在艰难困苦的和平时期受过陶冶,他们为我国悠久的传统感到自豪--他们不愿目睹或听任我国一向保证的、今天仍在国内外作出保证的人权渐趋毁灭。

让每个国家都知道--不论它希望我们繁荣还是希望我们衰落--为确保自由的存在和自由的胜利,我们将付出任何代价,承受任何负担,应付任何艰难,支持任何朋友,反抗任何敌人。

这些就是我们的保证--而且还有更多的保证。

对那些和我们有着共同文化和精神渊源的老盟友、我们保证待以诚实朋友那样的忠诚。我们如果团结一致,就能在许多合作事业中无往不胜;我们如果分歧对立,就会一事无成--因为我们不敢在争吵不休、四分五裂时迎接强大的挑战。

对那些我们欢迎其加入到自由行列中来的新国家,我们格守我们的誓言:决不让一种更为残酷的暴政来取代一种消失的殖民统治。我们并不总是指望他们会支持我们的观点。但我们始终希望看到他们坚强地维护自己的自由--而且要记住,在历史上,凡愚蠢地狐假虎威者,终必葬身虎口。

对世界各地身居茅舍和乡村、为摆脱普遍贫困而斗争的人们,我们保证尽最大努力帮助他们自立,不管需要花多长时间--之所以这样做,并不是因为共产党可能正在这样做,也不是因为我们需要他们的选票,而是因为这样做是正确的。自由社会如果不能帮助众多的穷人,也就无法挽救少数富人。

对我国南面的姐妹共和国,我们提出一项特殊的保证--在争取进步的新同盟中,把我们善意的话变为善意的行动,帮助自由的人们和自由的政府摆脱贫困的枷锁。但是,这种充满希望的和平革命决不可以成为敌对国家的牺牲品。我们要让所有邻国都知道,我们将和他们在一起,反对在美洲任何地区进行侵略和颠覆活动。让所有其他国家都知道,本半球的人仍然想做自己家园的主人。

对联合国,主权国家的世界性议事机构,我们在战争手段大大超过和平手段的时代里最后的、最美好的希望所在,我们重申予以支持:防止它仅仅成为谩骂的场所;加强它对新生国家和弱小国家的保护;扩大它的行使法令的管束范围。

最后,对那些与我们作对的国家,我们提出一个要求而不是一项保证:在科学释放出可怕的破坏力量,把全人类卷入预谋的或意外的自我毁灭的深渊之前,让我们双方重新开始寻求和平。

●【往下看,下一篇更精彩】●

最新演讲稿

  • 构建和谐社会演讲稿
  • 关于国庆节的演讲稿
  • 责任胜于能力演讲稿
  • 竞选班长演讲稿
  • 国旗下讲话稿小学
  • 肯尼迪就职演讲
  • 师徒结对徒弟发言稿
  • 团支书竞选稿